It has been almost 10 years now that the migration crisis occupies the space of political and media concern in the world and specifically in Europe, where this crisis can be considered as the most important in its history.
Beyond this tragic exodus on a large scale, there have also been many divisions and tensions within the different European countries that have been struggling to agree on the attitude to be adopted in the last decade concerning the urging situation.
Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011 and the subsequent migrations towards the Schengen area, the migration path has become even more dangerous and the number of deaths has increased steadily, to increase further to this day.
In a context of weakening membership, rising authoritarianism and growing Islamization at the expense of the country’s ethno-confessional reality, Turkey found itself, with the outbreak of its neihbouring country’s civil war, under the spotlight for migration issue and has naturally used the problem to align its national and anti-minority demands.
Thus, opening its doors to about 3.5 million Syrians (these sources are however only partially reliable, no independent census has been carried out so far, this number is advanced by the Turkish state and was probably revised upwards to optimize the demand for financial aid to the European Union, not counting among this number the migrants that has already migrated to Europe) in the context of a war to which it has been closely involved since the beginning in Syria, has simultaneously allowed Turkey to begun to manipulate the situation of these refugees while receiving substantial funds from the European Union;
Refugees who fled war found themselves in spite of themselves at the center of the country’s internal and external policies.
At the country level, Syrian refugees are used as very cheap labor and are exploited illegally in most cases.
This is profitable for large companies to exploit refugees in difficulty but in terms of wage competition it has created an exclusion of many citizens and demonstrations, especially in large cities, have increased in recent years.
Moreover, the reception of these refugees who fled the war has allowed the government to intensify its widespread repressive policy implemented since coming to power in 2002 and to carry out its policies of oppression towards the Kurdish people with impunity.
International critics have since been received with threats of opening its borders and nothing has changed this systematic blackmail since.
These opportunities to violate all forms of freedom of expression have become all the more widespread and the lifting of immunity aimed at Kurdish elected officials, the imprisonment of Kurdish MPs, the launch of massive dismissals against our mayors democratically elected and the destruction of several Kurdish towns with all the civilian casualties that this has caused have since unfolded in the most general indifference.
Europe, for its part, has from the beginning easily been bent on these blackmails and has never manifested itself other than by written condemnations, worries and public statements.
Following the Turkish offensive in Afrin in January 2018, some 300,000 people had already been forced to flee their homes within a month and a half.
The camp of Sehba alone has a total of 128,000 Kurds, who find themselves refugees despite themselves on their own land.
As part of these displacements, thousands of jihadists who committed war crimes were relocated along with their families to the homes of the hunted with the help and logistical support of Turkey.
There is a demographic restructuring going on either side of the Turkish-Syrian border, in the Kurdish region of Turkey it consists of an Arabization of the Kurdish border towns such as Urfa and Antep, where are installed the biggest camps of refugees and where the number of refugees exceeds 30%.
In Syria, this manifests itself in the successive Turkish invasions aimed at ethnic cleansing (the last Turkish offensive in Syria, provoked in less than a month, according to the latest United Nations figures, more than 180,000 refugees just in the towns at Serêkaniyê and Girê Spí in Rojava).
By implanting the security corridor, it is in fact a desire to continue the policy of the Arab belt begun in the 1960s by the Baathist regime, which aimed at Arabizing the ethnically Kurdish populations. Except that at this level Turkey has the additional aim of physically separating the Kurds from Turkey from those from northern Syria.
It is also important to note that unlike the Syrian regime, jihadists are organized and funded by present-day Turkey. Recently, the Turkish regime has even threatened to send Daesh members to Europe.
In addition, hundreds of thousands of Yazidi Kurds, some of whom were slaughtered by Daesh during the capture of Shengal in 2014, are still in refugee camps in several cities of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). There are clearly obstacles to the return of these people to their homes and the ruling party, the KDP makes every effort to ensure that the occupants of these camps do not go to their homeland for fear of no longer having hold on them.
In the same way, international aid is inaccessible in most cases.
So far, out of half a million people, only about 100,000 people have been able to return to Shengal, the others still live in these camps in inappropriate conditions and among them some have taken the migration routes or have come in Europe.
Some European countries have policies that encourage the coming of Yazidis.
However, the most correct policy to adopt would be to do a real work for the reconstruction of Shengal, because a Shengal without the Yazidis is a Shengal to whom it lacks its fundamental components.
The real solution remains political and Europe must find a way to contribute to a political solution to this crisis.
It is necessary to integrate all the peoples living in Syria into a pluralistic state with a democratic constitution that meets the aspirations of all the citizens of Syria.
Europe must also stop shaking before Turkey and stop being complicit in its ongoing crimes by adopting a responsible attitude and imposing real sanctions that can finally lead to concrete results in terms of respect of democracy and human rights